推荐阅读：*second inaugural address by abraham lincoln march 4, 1865#林肯第二次就职演说（1865年3月4日）fellow-countrymen: at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there w
*second inaugural address by abraham lincoln march 4, 1865#林肯第二次就职演说（1865年3月4日）fellow-countrymen: at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. the progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, i trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. with high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. all dreaded it; all sought to avert it. while the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving teing delivered from thisurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war-seeking to dissolve the union and divide effects by negotiation. both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came. one-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the union, but localized in the southern part of it. their slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. all knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. to strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the union even by war, while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration, which it has already attained. neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease. each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. both read the same bible and pray to the same god, and each invokes his aid against the other. it may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just god's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged. that of neither has been answered fully. the almighty has his own purposes. "woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must need be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense comet." if we shall suppose that american slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of god, must needs come, but which, having continued through his appointed time, he now wills to remove, and that he gives to both north and south this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern there in any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living god always ascribe to him? fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away? yet, if god wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago so still it must be said "the judgments of the lord are true and righteous altogether." with malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as god gives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.各位同胞： 在这第二任就职的宣誓典礼上，不必像在第一任的时候那样做一个长篇的演说。在那时，对于当时所采取的政策多少作一点详细的说明，自然是适当的。现在四年任期届满，对于眼前这场为全国所关注并占用了全国力量的重大斗争的每一重要关头和方面，这四年已不断地发出公告，所以现在很少有什么新的发展可以奉告。我们的军事进展，为其他一切问题的关键所在，而各界人士对其情形和我同样了解，我深切相信，进展的状况可以使我们全体人民满意和信任。所以对于将来既然可以寄予极大的希望，那么我们在这一方面就用不着做什么预测了。 在四年前同一个场合里，所有的思虑都焦急地指向于一场即将来临的内战。大家害怕它，想尽办法避免它。当正在这里就职演说的时候，尽心尽力地为了使联邦不再用战争手段而能保存，然而，城内叛变分子的内奸却在设法不用战争来破坏联邦，在设法瓦解联邦，而以谈判的方法来分割联邦。双方都声称反对战争，可是有一方宁愿打仗而不愿意让国家生存。另一方则宁可接受打这场仗，也不愿国家灭亡，于是战争就来临了。 我们全国人口的八分之一是黑奴，他们不是遍布于全联邦，而是局部地分布于南方。这些奴隶构成了一种奇特而有力的权益。大家知道大体上这种权益就是这场战争的原因。为了使这种权益加强，永久不变，而且予以扩大，叛变分子曾不惜用战争来分裂联邦，而政府则只要限制这种权益而使之区域化，并没有再多要求别的权利。当初，任何一方都没有想到战争会弄到目前这么大的范围和这么长的时间，也没有料想到冲突的原因会随冲突本身的终止而终止，甚至会在冲突本身终止以前而终止。双方都在寻求一个较为容易的胜利，都没有期盼一个基本和惊人的结果。双方念诵同样的圣经，祈祷同一个上帝，甚至每一方都求助神的援助以反对另一方。任何人都可以要求上帝的帮助，来夺取他人用血汗得来的面包，这似乎很奇怪。可是我们不要批评别人，免得我们双方的祈祷都不能够如愿，而且也没有全部如愿过。上帝自有他自己的主宰。"由于罪恶，世界才会遭受苦难。因为罪恶总是要有的，然而那个制造罪恶的人，要受苦难。"假使%的人，要c3拦?呐?ブ贫仁钦飧龉?淼囊恢郑??庑┕?碓谏系鄣牧煊蚶镌谒?衙猓??纫丫?中?怂??付ǖ囊欢问奔洌??衷谝?逑凑庑┕?怼ｍ?保?偈刮颐且陨系鄣拿?迦盟?酱邮抡獠伊业恼秸??魑?阅且?鹫庖还?淼娜说某头＃?颐强梢匀衔?饧?拢?腧?瞎┓钜桓龃嬖诘纳系鄣男磐矫枪楣τ谒?哪切┦サ拢?⑽薏钜臁ｎ颐腔匙派钪康陌?磁瓮??颐腔匙湃瘸览雌淼唬?ｍ?庹秸?闹胤？梢院芸斓毓?ァ？墒牵?偈股系垡?谜秸?偌绦?氯ィ?恢钡鹊?50年来无偿劳力所聚积的财富化为乌有，等到鞭打所流的每一滴血，为用刀剑所流的每一滴血所偿付，那么我们也只好像三千年前所说的那样。"主的裁判是完全真实而且公道的。" 我们不对任何人怀有丝毫恶意，我们对任何人都抱着好感，上帝令我们看到哪一边是对的，就坚定地信仰对的一边，让我们继续奋斗完成我们正在进行的工作──去治疗国家的创伤，去照顾英勇作战的志士和他的遗属，去从事一切的努力以达成并维护在我们自己之间和我国与各国之间的一个公平而持久的和平.[CHAZIDIAN.COM]
